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I think the Gurgure tribe should consider joining Oromia, as it would be in their best interest. For the past 30 years, they've faced oppression and marginalization from the Issa and Ogaden groups. Since 2000, Gurgure hasn't held any ministerial roles in the Somali region of Ethiopia. The TPLF, along with the Ogaden and Issa clans, have worked together to suppress Gurgure, taking away all their government positions and handing them over to Issa with Ogaden's support. Gurgure actually owns half of the Sitti Zone in the Somali region, yet they lack ministerial representation in Jigjiga. Additionally, Gurgure are the original inhabitants of Diredawa, with 70% of the villages around the city and 50% of the town itself. If they team up with the Oromo, they could finally receive their fair share....

Kulkualam TPLF's wasted childs with billioins US dollars robbed from poor Ethiopia's economy during 30 years old 😭 !! This monkey spending over 35k USD per months and doesnt even know from where its running 😭 !! Corruption in Ethiopia was always in at & a crazy level scale 🙆

Rooted in the struggle against TPLF and Abiy Ahmed's oppressive regime, the Amhara Revolution charts a path towards equitable representation for all Ethiopians. #StateSponsoredAmharaGenocide @Aljazeera @BBCAfrica @AP @guardian @washingtonpost @amnesty @UNHumanRights @Reuters

@arnoldi254 @Dr_AustinOmondi Herd mentality is bad, makes one ignorant...Despite some degree of overpricing, the Kenyan SGR track is a Class 1 level compared to the one's political propagandist use during politics Ethiopia & Tanzania..Uhuru did sth here..btw it can be switched to full electric

This is the true voice of the Tigray people ‼️ 📌Stop the oppression and end the forced abductions immediately. Down Down TPLF‼️🛑" #TigrayVoices #Ethiopia #StopTheOppression https://t.co/e4zblz2t2T

The video shows a muddy, trash-strewn slum street with people hauling water—real conditions in parts of urban Africa today. Attributing this primarily to "white people" fails basic history. Colonial rule (despite real exploitation) built ports, railways, schools, hospitals and cut mortality rates sharply from pre-colonial baselines. Pre-colonial sub-Saharan societies featured tribal wars, slavery (including massive Arab trade), low tech and no widespread literacy or modern sanitation. Post-1960 independence gave African governments full control. Results split sharply by governance: Botswana succeeded with property rights and stability; others stagnated under corruption, socialism and mismanagement. Ethiopia (barely colonized) stayed poor. Rapid population growth and weak institutions explain more of today's gaps than events from 60+ years ago. Race-based blame ignores African agency and the fact that institutions, not skin color, drive development. Successful post-colonial cases worldwide prove the point....

This is the true voice of the Tigray people ‼️ 📌Stop the oppression and end the forced abductions immediately. Down Down TPLF‼️🛑" #TigrayVoices #Ethiopia #StopTheOppression https://t.co/ebr3LdtIu5

This is the true voice of the Tigray people ‼️ 📌Stop the oppression and end the forced abductions immediately. Down Down TPLF‼️🛑" #TigrayVoices #Ethiopia #StopTheOppression https://t.co/ionaL1zacl

This is the true voice of the Tigray people ‼️ 📌Stop the oppression and end the forced abductions immediately. Down Down TPLF‼️🛑" #TigrayVoices #Ethiopia #StopTheOppression

This is the true voice of the Tigray people ‼️ 📌Stop the oppression and end the forced abductions immediately. Down Down TPLF‼️🛑" #TigrayVoices #Ethiopia #StopTheOppression https://t.co/0lWdSY5Wwv

This is the true voice of the Tigray people ‼️ 📌Stop the oppression and end the forced abductions immediately. Down Down TPLF‼️🛑" #TigrayVoices #Ethiopia #StopTheOppression https://t.co/l8k8nZh5qy

@tesfanews @Yehdavid It’s good for Amhara to stand up for their rights and freedom. Ethiopians citizens must follow support those people fighting against the killer, liar and corrupt Abiy Ahmed and his leadership. That the only to gain their freedom, peace security peace, stability, & prosperity

Dear @USEmbassyAddis @AfricaUnions @UNOSAPG @IntlCrimCourt @amnestyusa @Refugees @StateDept @EU_Commission @UKParliament @UN_HRC @UN Everything that happened in Rwanda has happened in Tigray. ... Very few of their resemblances: • Tutsi (like Tegaru) used to attack frequently • They were killed and denied all their rights. • Tutsis were given a leaf name berero (#cockroache) just like Tigray Junta • Tutsis had a solution called #RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front), just like Tigray #TDF. RTF has been updated to be tarnished by the government and its people. Let it be, RPF has stopped the genocide - just like TDF is doing. • Government soldiers were homeless who entered to get free drugs and alcohol - just like Ethiopian soldiers • President Habiyarimana's party just like the Amhara National Movement - ANM organized a group of dangerous gangsters called Fano, Interahamwe. Interahamwe have been trained by government soldiers on how to rob and kill many street walkers - just like Fano is being fully supported by Ethiopian soldiers to rob and kill. • Interhamwe (just like Fano) wore a bright red, yellow and green coloured T-shirt that resembles their party flag. • Interahamwe (Fano) used to attack Tutsi by closing roads, stopping buses, asking for IDs. Just 4/5 years ago, they closed federal roads from Addis Ababa to Tigray, and the Tegaru passengers were killed on the bus. • The Hutus had a radio called #RTLM, just like #ESAT tv (+Amhara and Ethiopian Radio and Television). RTLM anti-tootsi poison spitting was more than a hate machine. • The Rwanda national radio used to broadcast hate propaganda openly. The program leader introduced the Amazians as scary as wild animals living in the jungle, those who eat human flesh, have sex with monkeys, and have horns on their heads because they are animals. Ethiopian public and private media not only improved from Rwanda and spread hate 95 Ethiopian people have been calling for 5 to kill Tigray people. They are still working hard. • The Rwanda genocide campaign was carried out in Tutsi with the full participation and support of the government. Just like the Ethiopian government has cooperated with its entire army, the Eritrea army, the whole Ethiopian people, regional special forces, militia etc to destroy Tigray completely. • Tutsi's corpses were thrown into the river, their killers used to say "we are sending you to Ethiopia" - they are told that Tutsi've left Ethiopia. Ethiopian soldiers including Mahibere Dago are killing innocent people in Tigray, throwing them to the cliff and dancing proudly taking pictures with the corpses. • It is said that Rwanda's killer government had imported 581 tonnes of crocodile. In Ethiopia, when the Tigray war started, around 186,240 crocodiles were caught on one customs record. Imagine it was caught in the hands of the killers. These crocodiles have been used on innocent people like Mai Kadra, Dansha etc. These are just a few of them. So similar in so many ways. @BerhanuAsres #WesternTigray #ምዕራብትግራይ #ስቓይ #ተመዛበልትና #Justice4TigrayGenocide and #EthnicCleasening...

He’s confusing modern national identity with 19th-century history. #Egypt fought Emperor Yohannes IV and the Ethiopian Empire, and its ambitions were tied to controlling the #Nile—#Abay. The same struggle continues today through proxies working against #Ethiopia. #Eritrea, as a colonial political entity, was created by #Italy in 1890. Projecting today’s Eritrean nationalism backward into that era is historical fabrication an ideology born in Sahel by Sahel monkey and now repeated by refugee driven more by trauma, resentment, and Hawela stress than by facts....

@JoeTseGy Yea they are wired They thief money from people Tax Then they eat Free Tigray free people of ethiopia

@UN_HRC @UNGeneva Humanity first Please😭😭😭😭 Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare & education in SA. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopAfrofobia @hrw @UN_HRC @UN @UNHumanRights @Refugees https://t.co/wIVUueLcRy...

@_AfricanUnion @ymahmoudali Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare & education in SA. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopAfrofobia @hrw @UNHumanRights @ICEgov @UN @UNHumanRights @Refugees @Tewodros_Tse https://t.co/kSSsMRhUKS...

@DrTedros Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare & education in SA. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopAfrofobia @hrw @UNHumanRights @ICEgov @UN @UNHumanRights @Refugees @Tewodros_Tse https://t.co/RwwGAzz2ap...

@UNGeneva @WMO Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare & education in SA. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopAfrofobia @hrw @UNHumanRights @ICEgov @UN @UNHumanRights @Refugees @Tewodros_Tse https://t.co/6xnT9dpXg0...

Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare & education in SA. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopAfrofobia @hrw @UNHumanRights @ICEgov @UN @UNHumanRights @Refugees @Tewodros_Tse https://t.co/YvZdiH3x8C

@AyenachewK99418 Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare and education in South Africa. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopAfrofobia @hrw @UNHumanRights @ICEgov @UN @UNHumanRights @Refugees

@MarkJCarney Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare and education in South Africa. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopXenophobia #Ethiopia #SouthAfrica

Legal Ethiopian refugees face extreme xenophobia, violence, and systematic exclusion from healthcare and education in South Africa. This oppression must end. We call on the world to speak up! 🇪🇹💔🇿🇦 #StopXenophobia @UN @hrw @UNDP

@tigraionline Regarding the historical land claim, I remember this classic song: "ማረሻው ምንሽር መጎልጎያው ጓንዴ ሰሜን አርማጭሆ ወልቃይት ጠገዴ" It belongs to Yirga Dubale, not Kiros Alemayehu. Fact: West Tigray was never part of Tigray before the TPLF took control of Ethiopia. 🇪🇹

@obomboleti87632 @USEmbassyAddis Until a criminal killer Abiy Ahmed and his leadership in power no one trust him. To be off guard. Ethiopians to be at ease needs a government they trust . Abiy Ahmed and his leadership must go!!! for the sake of Ethiopians.

Reposted: "Xirroo: Prof. Mohammad would you like to outline your brief biography to our readers? Prof. Moh: I, Mohammed Hassen, was born in a small village in the region of Gara Mul’ata (Hararghe) in eastern Oromia. I completed elementary education in the city of Harar and joined Debra Berhan Teachers’ Training Institute. After graduation I taught for three years and then joined Addis Ababa University from where I graduated in 1973. I taught at Jimma Teachers’ Training Institute and then served in the Idigat be Hibert Zamecha of 1975/76. Then, I joined University of London in 1977 from where I graduated in 1983. While in graduate school I served in different capacities in the Union of Oromo Studies in Europe. I was also the chairman of Union of Oromo Students in England and the editor of its journal, Saba Oromo (1979-1983). Since 1985 I have been teaching African and world history at a number of universities in the United States. I enjoy teaching history of the peoples of the Horn of Africa, including the Oromo and other peoples of Ethiopia. I was a founding member of Oromo Studies Association in 1986, its president (1994-1996) and currently am a member of its Board of Directors. I was also a founding member of the Journal of Oromo Studies and regular contributor to its publication. Currently I am an Associate Professor of history at Georgia State University in Atlanta, USA. Xirroo: What was the relationship between Ethiopia and Oromia? Prof Moh: The relationship between the Ethiopian Empire created by Emperor Menilek and that of Oromia was and still is colonial. It was the relationship of colonizers and the colonized, the rulers and the ruled, the oppressors and the oppressed, the masters and the subjects. As with all forms of colonialism, the driving social force behind Menilek’s colonialism was economic. “. . . the green lush lands of the Oromo and their boundless commodities (gold, civet, ivory, coffee and [their] prosperous markets) were the economic motives” (Hiwet 1975, p. 4). To these may be added ” . . . the search for new sources of food for Menilek’s soldiers, the plunder of Oromo property, free labor, and the expropriation of Oromo land were the primary economic motives (Hassen 1990, p. 198). Some aspects of Menilek’s colonialism in Oromia have similarities with European colonialism in other parts of Africa. As European colonists dominated the economic resources and controlled the politics of their colonies, Menilek’s armed settlers in Oromia dominated the economic resources and totally controlled the military, judiciary and political power, institutionalizing the monopoly of the settler’s advantages. The armed settlers in Oromia were and still are known as Neftanya (Nafxanyaa). Emperor Menilek alienated Oromo land and gave it, together with the people, to the Neftanya, who owned land, cattle, and slaves ( Hassen 1990, p. 93). In the sacred land of their birth, the Oromo lost their rights to their own lands and became landless Gabars (serfs) who were “ . . . physically victimized, socially and psychologically humiliated and devalued as human beings”( Ibid). The Neftanya, who exploited, brutalized, and dehumanized the Gabars had no interest in recognizing the humanity of the Oromo. “The purpose was to break the Oromo in body, soul and spirit and reduce them to the condition of helplessness and dejection” (Ibid). As if what has transpired thus far was not enough, systematic efforts were made to destroy Oromo cultural heritage, political and religious institutions. No stone was left unturned to destroy Oromo unity and national identity. All Oromo kingdoms, even the three kingdoms that purportedly had local autonomy, were abolished. Before their conquest the Oromo maintained contact with each other through the famous pilgrimage to the land of their spiritual leader in southern Ethiopia. The pilgrimage served as the focal point of their spiritual and national unity. After the conquest of Oromia, Menilek officially banned the Oromo pilgrimage (Knutsson 1967, pp. 147-155), so as to weaken Oromo unity. He went further and banned Gada elections and the gatherings of the Chafe Assembly. Once elections to the political offices and the gathering of the Chafe Assembly were banned, the Gada system lost the raison d’ etre for its political existence (Hassen 1990, p. 95). The system had lost all of its political significance. It was only the memory of the system that continued to exist. In short, after the conquest and annexation of Oromia, the Oromo lost their sovereignty, their land, their democratic political institution and their basic human rights. Thus, contrary to the claim that Emperor Menilek “united Ethiopia”, he created an empire “ . . . of which all the members were subjects rather than citizens, but in which almost all the Oromo were colonial subjects” (Baxter 1978, p. 288) . It is fair to say that the modern Ethiopian state was not brought about by natural growth of united peoples. It was the product of colonial conquest. Since its creation, the Ethiopian state became the state of the ruling Abyssinian (Amhara-Tigray) elites . . . [who] dominated the political, military, economic, cultural, religious and social life of the Ethiopian state. Deprived of all their rights and human dignity, the Oromo had no choice but to embark on the path of resistance. Thus from the 1880s when Oromia was conquered and colonized to the early 1960s, when the Pan-Oromo movement was created, there was not a single decade which was not characterized by resistance in different parts of Oromia. Many Oromo died resisting with arms in their hands rather than accept intolerable domination (see Cerulli 1922, pp. 46-52). However, owing to the lack of central leadership, the absence of communication, the long distance and the tight control of imperial government, the numerous Oromo resistances were uncoordinated and they were isolated. Xirroo: The so-called “Habasha Historians” have been saying the Oromo have no history. Some have been saying the Oromo are alien to Ethiopia. And others have been saying the Oromo came out of water. How can this be evaluated from historical point of view? Prof. Moh: The Oromo have as rich and as complex history as other peoples of Ethiopian including the Abyssinians. However, due to lack of their own writing system, history of the Oromo was not recorded. Because the Abyssinians have had a very unique writing system, they kept records of the history of their great men and women for hundreds of years. Although some Amhara communities and some Oromo groups had contact with each other in the region of Shawa probably by around 1200, it was only during the 16th century that conflict between the two groups intensified. As a result of this conflict the Christian monks and court chroniclers depicted the Oromo as “enemies of the Amhara” and what they wrote about the Oromo mainly expressed the intense prejudice deeply rooted in the Abyssinian society. The monks and court chroniclers presented the Oromo as” new comers to Ethiopia” and as “people without history”. Even some modern scholars (see Ullendorff 1960, p.76) repeated the silly stuff of court chroniclers as if they are gospel truth. Abyssinian monks and court chroniclers wrote about the Oromo for the purpose of denigrating them as people, and savaging their cultural creativity, their democratic heritage and their way of life. Since what the monks and court chroniclers wrote about the Oromo was the sources for the writing of Oromo history, no other people, in Ethiopia, had their history so distorted or ignored and their cultural achievements and human qualities undervalued as the Oromo have been in the Ethiopian historiography. Abyssinian view of Oromo history mainly reflects their prejudice against the Oromo. The claim that the Oromo were “new comers to Ethiopia” and that they are people “without history” is historically nonsense. How could the people who have lived in Ethiopia for thousands of years suddenly become “new comers” to the same country?” People whose views are shaped by their own prejudice do not realize that there are no people without history in the whole world. The Oromo have fascinating history, which tells the story of their cultural creativity, political institutions which flowered in patterns of their own making and nourished Oromo political, spiritual and material well-being." For general and generational knowledge. https://www.facebook.com/reel/1741928260592380/...

@LiyuFkir When you think of all the brave,warrior women who fought and died for Tigray-indeed for Ethiopia, Keryia Ibrahim will be remembered for being a traitor-She fits right in with PP!

@Amharaawakening Shebia cosplaying as Amhara 🤣 You are not an Amhara rather an enemy of Amhara and Ethiopia “ የሞሶሎኒ ፐስታ ቀቀይ የባንዳ ልጅ ባንዳ ሻብያ” ።

In this fascinating interview, Semhal Meles denounces what the TPLF has become today. Here is just one powerful quote: "Children are being ripped from their mothers' hands and sold to God knows who, God knows what camp in Eritrea". She doesn't mince her words about things like the TPLF sending a captive workforce of Tigrayan women into gold mines in contact with dangerous chemicals. Good on Semhal! Her conscience has been stirred by the suffering of her people. Yes, I know, she still fully condones her father's dictatorship and the TPLF's tyranny in Ethiopia until 2018, she exonerates the TPLF from the escalation towards war from 2018 to 2020, she frames the war as a one-way street of violence against Tigrayans (using the term "genocide"), and she even delusionally claims that the war was "a victory" for her side. Put all that aside for now. She has been conditioned to hold those views since she was born. There is no such mitigating factor in the perspective of Tsedale Lemma, the interviewer, who pushes back and insistently relativizes the TPLF's oppression of Tigrayans by suggesting violence is the order of the day in Ethiopia and that all this grew out of the PP's war conduct. Tsedale is now more TPLF hardliner than Semhal. https://t.co/ND9uHwGeMg...

In this fascinating interview, Semhal Meles denounces what the TPLF has become today. Here is just one powerful quote: "Children are being ripped from their mothers' hands and sold to God knows who, God knows what camp in Eritrea". She doesn't mince her words about things like the TPLF sending a captive workforce of Tigrayan women into gold mines in contact with dangerous chemicals. Good on Semhal! Her conscience has been stirred by the suffering of her people. Yes, I know, she still fully condones her father's dictatorship and the TPLF's tyranny in Ethiopia until 2018, she exonerates the TPLF from the escalation towards war from 2018 to 2020, she frames the war as a one-way street of violence against Tigrayans (using the term "genocide"), and she even delusionally claims that the war was "a victory" for her side. Put all that aside for now. She has been conditioned to hold those views since she was born. There is no such mitigating factor in the perspective of Tsedale Lemma, the interviewer, who insistently relativizes TPLF's oppression of Tigrayans by saying violence is the order of the day in Ethiopia and that all this grew out of the PP's war conduct. Tsedale is now more TPLF hardliner than Semhal. https://t.co/ND9uHwFGWI...

@AbiyAhmedAli When you lose it completely and now your defeat waiting you. You run for fake dialogue . That gives time to in power yourself. Ethiopians should not fool by this. Must ask Abiy Ahmed and his leadership must go first dialogue come next with all Ethiopians.

TITO TONG AJAK: A Giant Freedom Fighter Who shot down MiG and Ababil Jet Fighters in Eastern Equatoria By DENGDIT AYOK What prompted me to write this memoir about the courageous freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, was the occasion of the opening of a roundabout in the town of Aweng of Akuar Lang Juuk section within Twic County of Warrap State or Akuar Athokbeek, after its construction during the past three days. The upper part of the roundabout is adorned with a bird called "beek", or "Arialbeek" in Dinka language. This bird, with its beautiful white, black, red, and yellow plumage, is a large, long-legged member of the stork family and has become a symbol of Akuar "Athok Beek" community in Twic. I passed through Aweng town to Majok-Noon and then to Thoon village in November 2025, accompanying the coffin of our late uncle, the politician and statesman, Bona Malwal Madut Ring, to his final resting place in his village of Molbang in Kuac Madut Ring Chiefdom. My respect and salutations to the people of "Akuar Athokbeek" and Twic Mayardit at large, because they are a hardworking and organized community with big dreams. Writing about a courageous freedom fighter who achieved tremendous military feats, like Tito Tong Ajak, without consulting the adults who knew and fought alongside him, is no easy task, as I knew him only as a child. This is an admission that what I will say about him is very limited, and that many of his achievements will inevitably be omitted but without intention. I will simply recount what I know of him, even if it is not the whole truth, while I will strive to expand this account by interviewing and seeking the perspectives of those who knew him. My father was one of those who knew him as a friend, and the information I write here is old; I heard it from him between 1992 and 1993, when I was a child, without asking him for the exact details. My father is no longer with me currently. This means there is no way of returning to him for further information. I thank those who conceived the idea of erecting that roundabout to honor our symbols and martyrs, reminding us of the importance of commemorating the martyrs whose deaths gave us a homeland, liberated with our own blood. The events that led me to meet the late freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, took place in Ethiopia, specifically in the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). In May 1991, the regime of Ethiopian President Mengistu Haile Mariam collapsed after the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) forces, led by Commander Meles Zenawi, entered Addis Ababa from all sides and overthrew the communist government headed by General Mengistu Haile Mariam. Mengistu hailed from the Amhara region in the northwest of the country. During a recent tour in the cities of Gondar and Bahir Dar, I came across a town called Gojjam, which reminded me of the Gojjam Battalion, one of the SPLA's battalions in the 1980s. I was told that it is a town of warriors. General Mengistu Haile Mariam, who ruled Ethiopia from his 1974 coup against Emperor Haile Selassie the First, until his overthrow in May 1991, was a friend and supporter of the SPLM/A. Based on this relationship, Mengistu embraced the SPLM/A leaders: John Garang de Mabior, Kerubino Kuanyin Bol, William Nyuon Bany, Salva Kiir Mayardit, and Arok Thon Arok, among many others, following the events of the May 16, 1983, uprising in Mading Bor. When power struggle occurred in the early stages of the formation of the SPLM/A, between John Garang’s group, which called for the establishment of a “New Socialist Democratic Secular United Sudan,” and Samuel Gai Tut and Akuot Atem de Mayen’s group, which called for the secession of “South Sudan,” Mengistu sided with John Garang’s group, and the conflict ended with the lynching of both Gai Tut and Akuot Atem in 1984 and the sebsequent defeat of their group. Consequently, the SPLM/A in western Ethiopia, specifically in the areas of Itang, Bonga, and Zink, was established under the patronage and hosting of President Mengistu Haile Mariam. Training grounds were opened in these areas of the Gambella region for the SPLM/A. Mengistu also granted the SPLM/A a radio station belonging to the Evangelical Church, which the SPLM/A leadership used to disseminate its vision and objectives to the Sudanese public, successfully attracting a broad following. The global geopolitical situation at that time was one of political conflict between the Soviet Union and America, as an imperialist power that fought against communist regimes in Africa within the framework of the conflict between the Western and Eastern blocs. The government of Mengistu Haile Mariam was a legitimate target for it, because it saw the “Mengistu-Garang” alliance as a continuation of the influence of leftist movements in Africa, which it decided to eliminate. In short, that was the era of the Cold War, which was an indirect political, ideological, and military conflict that lasted from the mid-1940s until the early 1990s in 1991. It took place between two main poles: the United States of America (the capitalist democratic camp) and the Soviet Union (the communist camp). The two sides avoided a full-scale and direct confrontation for fear of the nuclear destruction that could befall the world, and they fought through the arms race, espionage, media propaganda, and proxy wars in several countries around the world. We were in Itang town of western Ethiopia when the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) forces entered Addis Ababa. Following the collapse of Mengistu's regime and his escape to Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, to join his friend, President Robert Gabriel Mugabe, we were forced to leave Itang, where we had arrived in 1987. We returned to Sudan via areas of Panyudo, Dima, Gilo, and Pouchalla, reaching Jebel Boma, Kassingra, Narus, Narwigon, and Kapoeta, where we stayed for an unspecified period of time, as I was a child and didn't keep track of it. The journey was fraught with danger in harsh autumn weather, and the worst of it was the Gilo River tragedy, where thousands drowned as a result of being pursued by the new revolutionary force that had seized power in Ethiopia, considering us allies of Mengistu, who had fought against them alongside him. From Kapoeta, we moved to Torit, where we met our father, who had been separated from us in 1988 in Ethiopia when he went to participate in military operations in Kapoeta and Rumbek before returning to Torit. We stayed at the army barracks in Torit. It was at that army garrison that we met the courageous freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, who was a friend of our father. They used to spend time together in the officers' gathering with other SPLA officers. He was a tall man, a good talker, a dedicated soldier with a cause, and he had thick hair and a beard, as was common among soldiers and senior SPLM/A officers at that time. He was a member of artillery force. MiG and Antonov (Ababil) aircrafts would come carrying bombs and deadly barrel bombs, dropping them on us in Torit and killing many people. I remember that we had dug bunkers in our homes, and we were trained to constantly monitor the skies and listen intently for the sound of warplanes. We were to take shelter as soon as we heard the sound of a MiG, a Russian Antonov, or Ababil before they dropped their bombs. The name "Ababil" is a religious, Islamic, Quranic name given by the Sudanese Islamic Movement to its warplanes during its early rule of the Sudan. It is inspired by the Quranic story of the Elephant fighters, who went to Saudi Arabia in ancient times, led by Abraha the Abyssinian, to destroy the Kaaba. The story tells of the appearance of Ababil birds, which pelted them with stones of baked clay and prevented them from destroying the Kaaba. In the ideological trend of the Sudanese Islamic Movement, the SPLM and its army, the SPLA, represented the new army of the elephant, who sought to destroy the Kaaba or Islam in Sudan, and it was necessary to pelt them with stones of baked clay. Hence the name given to those warplanes that rained deadly bombs upon us. But we attained our independence and state and live in it today. We were taught to lie flat on the ground and not move if a warplane came and found us outside our homes. We would only get up after ensuring that the plane had left the airspace over Torit or Kapoeta before we left for Torit. The elders used to tell us, "If you hear the sound of a warplane anywhere, whether inside or outside the house, lie flat on the ground and don't get up until you're sure it has completely gone." That was our situation because when a bomb falls to the ground, it explodes, and its shrapnel targets anything it finds at least forty meters or more above the ground. If the bomb fell near us and found us lying flat on the ground, we were safe. But if it fell where we lay flat, it was a certain end for us. Many bombs fell near us, and some of our loved ones were killed. The SPLA artillery was targeting those planes, and the freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, was one of the highly trained artillerymen. He was very skilled and rarely missed his target. If he fired shells at the warplanes, he would shoot them down immediately. The SPLA in Torit, Kapoeta, and everywhere else in the country would celebrate the artillery's military victory in shooting down enemy planes through Tito Tong Ajak, accompanied by the military band stationed at Torit military garrison. In the forests surrounding Torit town, we saw five MiG fighter jets shot down by the brave warrior and fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, along with his artillery comrades. We were proud of him for shooting down enemy aircrafts that had instilled terror in us children at that time in Kapoeta and Torit. After our time in Kapoeta, we headed to Torit, and then on to Mading Bor in the same year, 1991, where we witnessed the aftermath of the SPLM/A split on August 28, 1991. We saw the massacre that took place in Bor after we left Liriya for Gemeiza, where civilians were killed and their bodies scattered alongside their animals, which were not spared by the SPLM splinter group or the Nasir faction all the way from Gemeiza to Bor town. We traveled from Bor to the port of Shambe in Yirol, and from there to Karic village in eastern Rumbek, and then to Dhiau-kuei, where we stayed for several years until we moved to Gogrial in 1995. It was in eastern Rumbek that we spent peaceful years, far away from the horrors of war that we had experienced in Pouchalla, Jebel Boma, Kassingra, Kapoeta, and Torit. One evening between 1992 and 1993, if my memory didn't betray me, my father told us that his friend Tito Tong Ajak, had been martyred in battle in Eastern Equatoria. He was sad and somber, and for two days he refused to eat, mourning his fellow fighter Tito Tong and remaining in a heavy silence. But he praised him and spoke highly of his courage and military achievements in the SPLA artillery, including shooting down several enemy aircrafts and boosting the morale of soldiers within the SPLA ranks and files. Over the years, my father continued to remember his friend with pride, praising his courage and noble character. In the national liberation struggle led by the SPLM/A, Tito Tong Ajak, will remain an eternal martyr among our valiant martyrs, whose blood laid the foundation for our nation. SPLA Oyeeeee! https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1041041478437619&set=a.176922394849536&type=3...

TITO TONG AJAK: A Giant Freedom Fighter Who shot down MiG and Ababil Jet Fighters in Eastern Equatoria By DENGDIT AYOK What prompted me to write this memoir about the courageous freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, was the occasion of the opening of a roundabout in the town of Aweng of Akuar Lang Juuk section within Twic County of Warrap State or Akuar Athokbeek, after its construction during the past three days. The upper part of the roundabout is adorned with a bird called "beek", or "Arialbeek" in Dinka language. This bird, with its beautiful white, black, red, and yellow plumage, is a large, long-legged member of the stork family and has become a symbol of Akuar "Athok Beek" community in Twic. I passed through Aweng town to Majok-Noon and then to Thoon village in November 2025, accompanying the coffin of our late uncle, the politician and statesman, Bona Malwal Madut Ring, to his final resting place in his village of Molbang in Kuac Madut Ring Chiefdom. My respect and salutations to the people of "Akuar Athokbeek" and Twic Mayardit at large, because they are a hardworking and organized community with big dreams. Writing about a courageous freedom fighter who achieved tremendous military feats, like Tito Tong Ajak, without consulting the adults who knew and fought alongside him, is no easy task, as I knew him only as a child. This is an admission that what I will say about him is very limited, and that many of his achievements will inevitably be omitted but without intention. I will simply recount what I know of him, even if it is not the whole truth, while I will strive to expand this account by interviewing and seeking the perspectives of those who knew him. My father was one of those who knew him as a friend, and the information I write here is old; I heard it from him between 1992 and 1993, when I was a child, without asking him for the exact details. My father is no longer with me currently. This means there is no way of returning to him for further information. I thank those who conceived the idea of erecting that roundabout to honor our symbols and martyrs, reminding us of the importance of commemorating the martyrs whose deaths gave us a homeland, liberated with our own blood. The events that led me to meet the late freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, took place in Ethiopia, specifically in the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). In May 1991, the regime of Ethiopian President Mengistu Haile Mariam collapsed after the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) forces, led by Commander Meles Zenawi, entered Addis Ababa from all sides and overthrew the communist government headed by General Mengistu Haile Mariam. Mengistu hailed from the Amhara region in the northwest of the country. During a recent tour in the cities of Gondar and Bahir Dar, I came across a town called Gojjam, which reminded me of the Gojjam Battalion, one of the SPLA's battalions in the 1980s. I was told that it is a town of warriors. General Mengistu Haile Mariam, who ruled Ethiopia from his 1974 coup against Emperor Haile Selassie the First, until his overthrow in May 1991, was a friend and supporter of the SPLM/A. Based on this relationship, Mengistu embraced the SPLM/A leaders: John Garang de Mabior, Kerubino Kuanyin Bol, William Nyuon Bany, Salva Kiir Mayardit, and Arok Thon Arok, among many others, following the events of the May 16, 1983, uprising in Mading Bor. When power struggle occurred in the early stages of the formation of the SPLM/A, between John Garang’s group, which called for the establishment of a “New Socialist Democratic Secular United Sudan,” and Samuel Gai Tut and Akuot Atem de Mayen’s group, which called for the secession of “South Sudan,” Mengistu sided with John Garang’s group, and the conflict ended with the lynching of both Gai Tut and Akuot Atem in 1984 and the sebsequent defeat of their group. Consequently, the SPLM/A in western Ethiopia, specifically in the areas of Itang, Bonga, and Zink, was established under the patronage and hosting of President Mengistu Haile Mariam. Training grounds were opened in these areas of the Gambella region for the SPLM/A. Mengistu also granted the SPLM/A a radio station belonging to the Evangelical Church, which the SPLM/A leadership used to disseminate its vision and objectives to the Sudanese public, successfully attracting a broad following. The global geopolitical situation at that time was one of political conflict between the Soviet Union and America, as an imperialist power that fought against communist regimes in Africa within the framework of the conflict between the Western and Eastern blocs. The government of Mengistu Haile Mariam was a legitimate target for it, because it saw the “Mengistu-Garang” alliance as a continuation of the influence of leftist movements in Africa, which it decided to eliminate. In short, that was the era of the Cold War, which was an indirect political, ideological, and military conflict that lasted from the mid-1940s until the early 1990s in 1991. It took place between two main poles: the United States of America (the capitalist democratic camp) and the Soviet Union (the communist camp). The two sides avoided a full-scale and direct confrontation for fear of the nuclear destruction that could befall the world, and they fought through the arms race, espionage, media propaganda, and proxy wars in several countries around the world. We were in Itang town of western Ethiopia when the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) forces entered Addis Ababa. Following the collapse of Mengistu's regime and his escape to Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, to join his friend, President Robert Gabriel Mugabe, we were forced to leave Itang, where we had arrived in 1987. We returned to Sudan via areas of Panyudo, Dima, Gilo, and Pouchalla, reaching Jebel Boma, Kassingra, Narus, Narwigon, and Kapoeta, where we stayed for an unspecified period of time, as I was a child and didn't keep track of it. The journey was fraught with danger in harsh autumn weather, and the worst of it was the Gilo River tragedy, where thousands drowned as a result of being pursued by the new revolutionary force that had seized power in Ethiopia, considering us allies of Mengistu, who had fought against them alongside him. From Kapoeta, we moved to Torit, where we met our father, who had been separated from us in 1988 in Ethiopia when he went to participate in military operations in Kapoeta and Rumbek before returning to Torit. We stayed at the army barracks in Torit. It was at that army garrison that we met the courageous freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, who was a friend of our father. They used to spend time together in the officers' gathering with other SPLA officers. He was a tall man, a good talker, a dedicated soldier with a cause, and he had thick hair and a beard, as was common among soldiers and senior SPLM/A officers at that time. He was a member of artillery force. MiG and Antonov (Ababil) aircrafts would come carrying bombs and deadly barrel bombs, dropping them on us in Torit and killing many people. I remember that we had dug bunkers in our homes, and we were trained to constantly monitor the skies and listen intently for the sound of warplanes. We were to take shelter as soon as we heard the sound of a MiG, a Russian Antonov, or Ababil before they dropped their bombs. The name "Ababil" is a religious, Islamic, Quranic name given by the Sudanese Islamic Movement to its warplanes during its early rule of the Sudan. It is inspired by the Quranic story of the Elephant fighters, who went to Saudi Arabia in ancient times, led by Abraha the Abyssinian, to destroy the Kaaba. The story tells of the appearance of Ababil birds, which pelted them with stones of baked clay and prevented them from destroying the Kaaba. In the ideological trend of the Sudanese Islamic Movement, the SPLM and its army, the SPLA, represented the new army of the elephant, who sought to destroy the Kaaba or Islam in Sudan, and it was necessary to pelt them with stones of baked clay. Hence the name given to those warplanes that rained deadly bombs upon us. But we attained our independence and state and live in it today. We were taught to lie flat on the ground and not move if a warplane came and found us outside our homes. We would only get up after ensuring that the plane had left the airspace over Torit or Kapoeta before we left for Torit. The elders used to tell us, "If you hear the sound of a warplane anywhere, whether inside or outside the house, lie flat on the ground and don't get up until you're sure it has completely gone." That was our situation because when a bomb falls to the ground, it explodes, and its shrapnel targets anything it finds at least forty meters or more above the ground. If the bomb fell near us and found us lying flat on the ground, we were safe. But if it fell where we lay flat, it was a certain end for us. Many bombs fell near us, and some of our loved ones were killed. The SPLA artillery was targeting those planes, and the freedom fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, was one of the highly trained artillerymen. He was very skilled and rarely missed his target. If he fired shells at the warplanes, he would shoot them down immediately. The SPLA in Torit, Kapoeta, and everywhere else in the country would celebrate the artillery's military victory in shooting down enemy planes through Tito Tong Ajak, accompanied by the military band stationed at Torit military garrison. In the forests surrounding Torit town, we saw five MiG fighter jets shot down by the brave warrior and fighter, Tito Tong Ajak, along with his artillery comrades. We were proud of him for shooting down enemy aircrafts that had instilled terror in us children at that time in Kapoeta and Torit. After our time in Kapoeta, we headed to Torit, and then on to Mading Bor in the same year, 1991, where we witnessed the aftermath of the SPLM/A split on August 28, 1991. We saw the massacre that took place in Bor after we left Liriya for Gemeiza, where civilians were killed and their bodies scattered alongside their animals, which were not spared by the SPLM splinter group or the Nasir faction all the way from Gemeiza to Bor town. We traveled from Bor to the port of Shambe in Yirol, and from there to Karic village in eastern Rumbek, and then to Dhiau-kuei, where we stayed for several years until we moved to Gogrial in 1995. It was in eastern Rumbek that we spent peaceful years, far away from the horrors of war that we had experienced in Pouchalla, Jebel Boma, Kassingra, Kapoeta, and Torit. One evening between 1992 and 1993, if my memory didn't betray me, my father told us that his friend Tito Tong Ajak, had been martyred in battle in Eastern Equatoria. He was sad and somber, and for two days he refused to eat, mourning his fellow fighter Tito Tong and remaining in a heavy silence. But he praised him and spoke highly of his courage and military achievements in the SPLA artillery, including shooting down several enemy aircrafts and boosting the morale of soldiers within the SPLA ranks and files. Over the years, my father continued to remember his friend with pride, praising his courage and noble character. In the national liberation struggle led by the SPLM/A, Tito Tong Ajak, will remain an eternal martyr among our valiant martyrs, whose blood laid the foundation for our nation. SPLA Oyeeeee! https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1354583830203155&set=a.566347742360105&type=3...

Therefore, I believe that the right decision is for the people of Tigray to open their eyes and understand that the enemy of the people of Tigray is not the Amhara, but the Woyane and the Oromo regime, Abiy Ahmed, and to stand by the side of the Amhara people's struggle to liberate the people of Tigray from the Woyane. The only option to free Ethiopia from this oppressive and cruel Oromo regime is to support the struggle of the Amhara people....

Hamle 5! One of the major milestones of the Amhara Resistance! #AmharaResistance Dignity/ Kurat Confidence/Timkhit Defiance/ Albegerim baynet The only traits we need to keep preserving if we care about Victory! Amharas from past to present to the future respect your queen's! they are the backbone that led you to victory for centuries keep doing the same to win! NOTE: The footage is to honor Nigist on this day for her unwavering bravery in the face of killer EPRDF regime forces! #Ethiopia...

@RussiasPivot Russia, a country that always enables the genocidal wars on Tigray by Ethiopia! A killer state indeed!

Community knowledge, attitude and practice on rabies and retrospective study of human and animal rabies exposures in selected districts of the Southern Zone of Tigray, northern Ethiopia. #ruralhealth #dogs #rabiesexposure #Ethiopia @MekUniETH https://t.co/YaEh7WNWrG

New Original Research article in RRH: Community knowledge, attitude and practice on rabies and retrospective study of human and animal rabies exposures in selected districts of the Southern Zone of Tigray, northern Ethiopia by Konjit Mengesha and Enquebaher Tarekgne. https://www.rrh.org.au/landing/newarticle10453/nafb/ Mapping the knowledge, perceptions, and existing practices regarding rabies is considered an important milestone in the control and prevention of the disease. Although the magnitude and distribution of rabies exposure in the Tigray region of Ethiopia is high, there has been no coordinated study on the community’s knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) concerning rabies in the Tigray Region. This Original Research study assessed the community's level of KAP towards rabies and retrospectively analyzes human and animal rabies exposure cases over the past 5 years in the project area. #ruralhealth #ethiopia #dogs #rabiesexposure Mekelle University https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1464884332334278&set=a.627140929441960&type=3...

TPLF politically created Abiy Ahmed. Yes, biologically, he came from his mother’s womb. Politically, however, that womb was the TPLF’s system. They raised him, promoted him, protected him, dressed him in false credentials, and pushed him into national power. A man with the intellectual depth of a seventh grader was treated like an elite by a fifth grader in uniform, Samora Yunis. That alone tells the story of how rotten the system was. They even handed him a PhD, knowing very well that the title could not hide the emptiness behind it. The irony is brutal. For the past eight years and three months, Abiy Ahmed has turned against the very adopted parents who made him who he is. The political machine that manufactured him became the machine he tried to destroy. He killed their political leaders. He killed their military leaders. He presided over a war that consumed more than 600,000 people in Tigray. Their women were raped. Their cities were broken. Their people were starved, displaced, and buried under the ruins of a war unleashed by the very man their own system helped create. Then, just yesterday, he stood in parliament and called them “ቅማላም.” That single word says everything. There is no reconciliation here. There is no peace of the heart. There is only hatred wearing a state uniform. One side must politically disappear for this conflict to end. And now Abiy Ahmed’s deepest fear is becoming visible. The TPLF may turn its face toward its historic enemies, the Amhara and Eritrea. That possibility alone terrifies him and his puppies. Because if the people he betrayed ever align with the people he fears, then the monster created by the TPLF may finally meet the combined weight of everyone he tried to destroy. Tsimdo. @TeshomeAbebe18 @NeaminZeleke @GTWTW_Now @AndargachewTse2 @berhanenega @dawit_giorgis @MesfinMtegenu @YonasBiru57 @MAAragaw @HOAAffairs @mamamesay...

TPLF politically created Abiy Ahmed. Yes, he was born to his parents. Politically, however, the TPLF was his surrogate. They identified him, elevated him, protected him, promoted him, and ultimately handed him the keys to the Ethiopian state. The irony is breathtaking. For the past eight years and three months, he has waged war against the very political establishment that made his rise possible. The movement that manufactured his political career became the movement he sought to destroy. Its political leaders were eliminated. Its military leadership was decimated. The war devastated Tigray, with estimates placing the death toll in the hundreds of thousands, while civilians endured killings, displacement, famine, and widespread reports of sexual violence. Yesterday, he went even further by referring to the TPLF as “ቅማላም.” If this is the language of a prime minister after a war of such magnitude, then talk of reconciliation sounds increasingly detached from reality. It reflects a relationship defined by deep hostility, not political compromise. What appears to trouble him most is the possibility that the TPLF could shift its strategic focus toward cooperation with its historic adversaries, the Amhara and Eritrea. For Abiy and those around him, that prospect would fundamentally reshape the political and military balance. If that fear is real, it is one that follows them into every strategy meeting and every sleepless night. Tsimdo. @TeshomeAbebe18 @NeaminZeleke @GTWTW_Now @AndargachewTse2 @berhanenega @dawit_giorgis @MesfinMtegenu @YonasBiru57 @MAAragaw @HOAAffairs @mamamesay...

Years of Massacre in Arsi: Abiy Regime Dismisses Slaughter of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians as ‘Staged Election Distraction’! የሌባ ዓይነ ደረቅ!? For years, Ethiopian Orthodox Christians in the Arsi region have endured systematic massacres under the ethno-fascist Abiy regime. In a transparent attempt to evade accountability and deflect international scrutiny, the regime has dismissed these ongoing atrocities by claiming they were merely a “staged attack to distract from the national election”-as if years of targeted violence, church burnings, and the slaughter of innocent civilians could be reduced to a single, fabricated incident. This cynical minimization is an insult to the victims and their families. It reveals a regime more interested in protecting its image than protecting its people. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church has repeatedly sounded the alarm over this unrelenting campaign of terror in Arsi and across Oromia. The international community-including the United States, the United Nations, and all defenders of human rights and religious freedom-must reject these falsehoods. We demand immediate, independent investigations, accountability for the perpetrators, and concrete action to halt the violence and protect vulnerable Christian communities. Silence in the face of such evil is complicity. Justice for Arsi’s victims cannot wait any longer. #AmharaGenocide @UNGeneva @UN_HRC @UNHumanRights @EU_Commission @EUCouncil @realDonaldTrump @StateDept @SecRubio @SenateForeign @HouseGOP @HouseForeignGOP @HouseForeign @POTUS @_AfricanUnion @Pontifex_es @JoelOsteen @EYakoby @WHLeavitt...

@Habtishgreat You mean the criminal killer Abiy Ahmed and his leadership drone attacking people of Tigray. It’s not new news. https://t.co/Kd5amGa3EM

Never mind the lust for authoritarian state power the person has since many of them who capture state power do. But how did the #EPRDF manage to create and empower such a pathological liar in the person of @AbiyAhmedAli who essentially is and proven to be genocidal? A person who’s proven to be detrimental to the peoples of #Tigray and beyond. An established fact that his contradictions were not limited to that leadership, but the hate he harbors extends to the peoples of #Tigray that had and did not gain proven benefits from neither. Eventually, if the targeted peoples Abby is waging his criminal war are not going for and create a Common Front and set up a common challenge, the misery that had befallen upon them will continue. Abiy cannot afford to lose and the targeted peoples must not allow their sufferings to continue unabated. Something has to give in. Note: To survive as people and given the objective conditions, #Tegaru maintain the right to create strategic alliances with willing forces from within and without. And the current constitution promulgated on August 21 1995 has neither delivered Tigray nor the rest of Ethiopia out of misery. If Article 39(1-5) is not written simply as an academic exercise let it prove itself by being invoked. Per this article, #Tigray like others in the “federation”?! has the right to determine its future. "የባንዳዎች መጨረሻ ሽንፈት ሆኗል" ህውሃት እንደመጥሪያቢያ ነው መያዣው እንጨት ሻዕቢያ - ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐቢ... https://t.co/OF95OdkXGy via @YouTube...